An Assessment of the Informal Sector Trade in Kenya
Dr. Seth Omondi Gor
Senior Lecturer, School of Economics, University of Nairobi
This study assesses the nature and practice of cross-border trade in
Kenya with a view to filling the information gap on its patterns and
key characteristics, a gap that has hitherto acted to hinder effective
policy formulation. The study relies on information from a number of
cross-border monitoring survey initiatives mounted by various institutions
over the years. The study finds that informal cross-border trade accounts
for more than 40 percent of the GDP and is therefore almost equivalent
to formal trade. Efforts should be made to conceive policy suggestions
that would optimize both formal and informal trade from the viewpoint
of the national economy.
Keywords: cross-border trade, exports, Horn of Africa, informal, Kenya.
Kenya shares territorial boundaries with several countries, all of which
are her trade partners both formally and informally. These include Uganda,
Tanzania, Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia. Despite this, the international
trade activity of the informal sector variously referred to as informal
trade or informal cross-border trade (ICBT) between Kenya and these countries
is not adequately documented.
Definition of Informal Cross-border Trade
ICBT refers to unrecorded business transactions undertaken across borders
based mainly on popular economy. The traders involved do not submit tax
returns at the end of each financial year; hence the resultant transactions
are not captured in the national accounts statistics.
Dongala (1993) posits that informal trade occurs if there is unregulated
and large-scale trade involving many participants; the scale of operation
is smaller than in the formal sector; requirements in the formal sectors
such as registration are minimal or even non-existent and, whenever they
exist, are avoided with relative ease; there is ease of entry and exit;
there is rampant evasion of trade-related licenses and/or taxes like import
licenses or export taxes; there is use of parallel foreign exchange markets;
participants evade paying international trade-related taxes but pay local
taxes and licences to sell in local market places; traded goods originate
from both formal and informal sector sources; and all goods are traded
at market prices.
Participants in ICBT
Most participants are individual traders, a large proportion of which
are women and micro, small and medium sized enterprises. They include
locals, migrants and even refugees, particularly from Ethiopia, Somalia
and Sudan, who are based in refugee camps close to their countries of
origin. The migrants and refugees tend to carry out trade between Kenya
and their home countries by taking advantage of their knowledge of local
customs, products and networks.
A number of such traders are not registered at all, and therefore operate
entirely outside the formal economy. Others are registered in Kenya but
avoid trade regulations and duties either fully or partially. This is
actualized in two ways. In the first instance traders simply avoid the
official border posts and use unofficial routes. This is the preferred
option of small scale, small volume traders. This is made easy by the
porous nature of Kenyas borders. The other option, preferred mainly by
large volume traders, is to pass through the posts but resort to such
illegal practices as under-invoicing, misclassification of goods or even
misdeclaration of country of origin with a view to paying lower tariffs,
of course with the connivance of the customs officials.
On the whole, ICBT transactions across the Kenya/Uganda and Kenya/Tanzania
borders involve buyers, sellers, brokers and middlemen, transporters,
loaders, couriers, store owners, security personnel, money changers and
informal money lenders. A significant number of these roles are performed
by women and youth. At the Kenya/Uganda border, persons with disabilities
play an important transportation role using their wheelchairs.
Due to shared cross-border trade characteristics, and for ease of analysis,
Sudan, Ethiopia and Somalia are, for purposes of this study, grouped together
in their ICBT with Kenya under the Horn of Africa (Northern Frontier).
ICBT in the Northern Frontier is based on long-distance movement of livestock
and other commodities across vast, hostile territory and so is largely
the preserve of men. Trade here involves an intricate network of traders,
financiers and transporters. Mahmoud (2003) estimates that more than 20
actors are involved in any one transaction along the approximately 800km
route from Southern Ethiopia to Nairobi. Market participants include herders,
brokers, middlemen, trekkers, loaders, truckers, security personnel, veterinary
officers, money lenders, wholesale traders and hay merchants, among many
Types of Goods Traded
Goods traded informally across Kenyas borders originate from Kenya,
for example refined petroleum products; from international markets, for
example electronic goods and vehicle parts; or even from the neighbouring
countries, for example bananas from Uganda, beans from Tanzania and livestock
from Somalia and Ethiopia. Such goods are sourced from both formal and
The types of goods traded vary from one border post to another. They include
small volumes transported by individuals crossing the border carrying
goods on their head, back or in hand, walking on foot, pushing a cart
or wheelbarrow, or riding a bicycle or motorcycle or a wheelchair, as
well as large volumes transported in trucks and containers by land, in
dhows, canoes and steamships across lake Victoria to Uganda and Tanzania,
in container ships across the Indian Ocean to Tanzania, Somalia and far
away destinations or by air. Surveys indicate that the largest share of
informally traded goods is traded in small volumes.
A number of cross-border monitoring survey initiatives have been mounted
by various institutions over the years, notably Uganda Bureau of Statistics
(2006, 2007, 2008); The Regional Agricultural Trade Intelligence Network
(2007); The Famine Early Warning Systems Network (2007); and Ackello-Ogutu
and Echessah (1997, 1998) among many others, to monitor informal trade
between Kenya and her neighbours by observing different border points.
The findings are unanimous that a substantial proportion of cross-border
trade in Kenya is in staple food commodities, including maize, rice and
The surveys show that maize is the most traded good, accounting for 68
percent of all informal flows. The volumes informally traded at times
exceed many times over the volumes formally traded. Maize is followed
by beans and then rice (Lesser and Leeman, 2009). In the period 2004-2006,
informal maize imports from Uganda were valued at US$73 million. Over
the same period, formal imports of maize from Uganda to Kenya were valued
at US$16.5 million. More specifically, in 2004, 92 percent of the total
maize imports from Uganda were traded informally. In 2005, this figure
was 81 percent and in 2006, it was 78 percent.
Petroleum products are also widely traded informally between Kenya and
her neighbours. Ackello-Ogutu (1996) estimates that about 25 percent of
petroleum fuel (petrol, diesel and paraffin) consumed in Uganda is imported
informally from Kenya. This they estimate to cost the Uganda government
about US$1.2 million annually in lost tax revenue. Quite a number of goods
traded informally between Kenya and her neighbours are actually re-exports,
i.e., imports that are exported by Kenya or her neighbours without any
value addition. They include low-quality consumer goods such as clothes,
shoes, electronic appliances like TVs and fridges, motor vehicle spare
parts, bicycles and bicycle parts. Others include vegetable products,
tea, coffee, sugar, non-alcoholic beverages, cement, tobacco, electrical
apparatus, fish, and agricultural raw materials like cotton, bananas and
groundnuts, among others.
Informal Trade with Tanzania
Kenyas informal imports from Tanzania are mainly agricultural food commodities
and fish. Maize is the leading item followed by beans, fish and rice,
in that order. Others include yams, carrots, tomatoes, cassava, cabbages,
cow peas, sugar, rice, bananas, millet, maize meal and groundnuts. Kenyas
agricultural food exports to Tanzania include wheat flour, bread, root
crops, sugar, rice, bananas, maize meal, milk and coffee. Most agricultural
commodities traded are largely influenced by the food items grown around
the border and in the neighbouring districts.
Data on informal trade in industrial goods between the two countries show
movements in both directions for most of the commodities, but overall
informal trade is in favour of Kenya. The main export items include cooking
fats/oil, toiletries, petroleum products, beer, margarine, car and bicycle
parts, sweets and biscuits. Other industrial exports of significant value
include salt, soft drinks, construction materials (cement and corrugated
iron sheets), new textiles, charcoal, timber, plastic wares, soap, mattresses,
perfumes, electronic goods, leather products, polythene bags, second-hand
clothes, human and veterinary drugs, and general merchandise. Trade in
most of these items is caused by low cost prices in countries of manufacture
and high profit margins in the neighbouring countries.
Informal Trade with Uganda
Uganda is Kenyas largest trading partner in the region. ICBT between
the countries therefore involves an exchange of substantial quantities
of both agricultural and industrial goods as well as forest products.
Over the period 1994-1995 for instance, Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah (1997)
estimate the total annual value of informal trade between the two countries
at US$146 million, compared to the total annual value of formal imports,
which stood at US$96 million over the same period. This suggests that
the volume of trade between the two countries is grossly underestimated
in official documents.
The items of trade are more or less the same as those between Kenya and
Tanzania. Maize is a key import item from Uganda. Others include beans,
sorghum, simsim, choroko, millet, groundnuts, rice, cassava and yams.
Fish is another major import item from Uganda. Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah
(1997) observe that the bulk of fish found on Kenyan beaches actually
originate from Uganda and that this trade is closely tied to informal
exports of Kenyas manufactured commodities to Uganda. Other imports include
charcoal, wood fuel, timber, re-exports of textiles and bicycle and car
parts. Leading informal exports to Uganda include petrol, cooking oils/fat,
beer and wine. Others are soft drinks, cigarettes, toiletries, hardware,
textiles, wheat flour, bread, milk, maize flour, confectionaries, sugar
Informal Trade with the Horn of Africa
Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia are important informal
trading partners to Kenya. Trade with this group of countries is unique
because they border the Northern Frontier, a vast, hostile and insecure
part of Kenya, which is also home to the largest refugee camp in the region.
Given the political instability and incessant conflicts in countries in
the Horn, the border posts along this frontier are quite porous, and the
bulk of refugees hosted in the camps are therefore mainly citizens of
the same countries. A natural offshoot of this is a thriving ICBT involving
foodstuffs, textiles and electronic goods among many others, as well as
a slew of illegal commodities, including arms.
Cross-border trade in livestock is the most significant form of trade
in this region. Dalleo (1975) observes that this practice pre-dates the
colonial period. As a commodity, livestock has features that make it particularly
amenable to ICBT even in the poor security conditions typical of the Northern
Frontier. It is a living and mobile commodity that can be transported
overland rather than on roads, and can easily be moved across borders.
A high proportion of trade in livestock is therefore done informally,
unlike trade in other products which can be trucked across borders. Little
(2007), contends that 95 percent of the trade in livestock is actually
informal. The usual practice is to move livestock across the borders on
foot. For every 100 cattle moved on foot, there are normally three trekkers
and an armed security person. In most cases, trade is done through middlemen
and brokers who identify potential buyers and sellers.
ICBT in livestock in the Horn has another important dimension. In most
cases it complements and even finances cross-border trade in grains and
other food products. This has been widely documented along almost all
the ICBT routes in the region including Southern Sudan/Northern Kenya
(Gurele and Lautze, 2000), Southern Ethiopia/Northern Kenya (Teka, Alemayehu
and Ayele, 1999; Mahmoud, 2003) and Southern Somalia/Northern Kenya (Little,
A common practice for many livestock traders is that once they sell, the
proceeds are used to purchase grains and other food products that cross
the border for sale in the deficit areas. Other popular products in this
region include pasta, biscuits, food aid and electronics. In many cases
they backhaul their purchases using the same trucks. Umar (2007) estimates
that about 25 percent of livestock traders in Kenya/Ethiopia/Somalia ICBT
are involved in the sale of staple foods, most of which are informally
imported from Somalia and purchased by revenue from livestock trade.
Financing ICBT in Kenya
Participants in ICBT rely on a range of informal institutions to set
up and support their businesses. In the Kenya/Uganda border region, Ackello-Ogutu
and Echessah (1997) estimate that only 4 percent of traders have access
to formal sources of finance. In the Horn, less than 10 percent of traders
have access to such sources. According to Little (2007), more than 95
percent of credit used in ICBT in the Horn is obtained informally from
kinsmen, friends and associates.
In Kenya/Uganda ICBT, 32 percent of traders obtain start-up capital from
relatives, friends and kinsmen, 53 percent from personal savings and 11
percent from savings societies (Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah, 1997). A popular
source of short-term funding in Kenya/Uganda ICBT are the informal money
changers, who also double up as money lenders. They advance loans with
a maturity of one day, at interest rates that are above 10 percent per
In Kenya/Tanzania ICBT, Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah (1998) estimate that
only about 5 percent of traders have access to formal sources of finance.
The rest obtain their start-up or even business expansion capital from
informal sources. Sixty-nine-point-five percent of traders obtain finance
from personal savings, 2.1 percent from Savings and Credit Societies,
21.1 percent from friends, relatives and kinsmen, 5.3 percent from commercial
banks and 2.1 percent obtain supplier credits.
Informal financing of ICBT in the Horn is particularly critical, because
it is about the only option available to traders. In the Kenya/Somalia
and Kenya/Ethiopia border regions in particular, informal financing arrangements
help minimize the risks associated with carrying large sums of money in
an unstable environment. The usual practice is for traders to convert
their earnings into dollars in informal money houses in Nairobi, then
wire back the same to informal money houses situated at the
border, where the money is picked up by their business associates. The
informal money houses charge a commission of 3 to 6 percent to wire the
money to different locations, as opposed to 10 to 12 percent charged by
formal financial institutions (Little, 2007). This is the Hawala System.
In some cases, traders convert all or part of their earnings into tradable
goods which are then picked up by a designated wholesaler at the border.
Mahmoud (2003) records a practice where a trader who sells animals in
Nairobi transfers his cash earnings to a designated wholesaler at the
border. The wholesaler uses the same to purchase goods in Nairobi which
are then hauled back to the border. The wholesaler instructs a business
associate at the border to repay the livestock trader or his associate.
The associate receives the money and then re-initiates the process of
procuring livestock movement back to Nairobi. This informal practice then
allows both traders to conduct business without having to transfer cash
across vast, insecure territory.
Access to Market Information
Effective flow of information is critical to any market system. ICBT
buying participants need to know the variety and quality of goods available
in the market, where they are and what price they command. The sellers,
too, need to know what is in demand and at what price. An effective market
mechanism is therefore dependent on how well informed market participants
are. An important part of the structure of informal markets is therefore
sources of market information.
In Kenya/Uganda ICBT, Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah (1997) report that 70
percent of market participants obtained market information by word of
mouth, through friends, relatives and business colleagues, 18 percent
obtained information from market signals, 4 percent from the media and
7 percent from other sources. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (2008) reports
that 51 percent of traders accessed market information mainly through
friends, relatives and neighbours, 48 percent visited the markets physically,
48 percent accessed information through their contacts with fellow business
colleagues and associates and 21.6 percent through radio. Other sources
of such information include middlemen and brokers. In Kenya/Tanzania ICBT,
Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah (1998) report that 65.8 percent of the traders
obtained market information from interpersonal communication, 14.1 percent
through market signals, 11.8 percent through orders from buyers, 7.2 percent
from the media, and 1.2 percent from market visits. (The Bureau of Statistics
data cited here reflect an allowance for overlap among the various sources,
where the figures presented by Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah in both cases
total roughly 100 percent.)
Kenyas informal transborder trade with countries along the Northern frontier
is largely based on traders, brokers, middlemen and financiers, all of
whom work together in tightly woven and intricate networks bound together
by common kinship, religion and/or ethnicity. Market information is largely
obtained only informally through word of mouth, and the flow of information
is dependent on brokers and middlemen and their social networks. In the
region of the Kenya/Somalia border for instance, actors on either side
of the border are from the same ethnic group. More often, they draw on
a common language and identity to pass on market information and facilitate
transactions. This reduces substantially the cost of monitoring and enforcement.
Conflicts are regular occurrences in this region. In such times, these
networks assume more significance. Flow of market information is curtailed,
as actors turn inwards to transact only with those they trust, know well
or can converse with in a common language. This can have devastating consequences
for the market, as some groups are excluded from participating in the
market. Little (2003) and Green et al. (2006) document the emergence of
specific clan-controlled market networks in the region of the Southern
Somalia/Northern Kenya border, and ethnic-based markets in Marsabit town
Incentive for Cross-border Trade
Several factors have conspired to promote informal trade between Kenya
and her neighbours. Key among them are the generally high levels of import
and export duties on selected commodities. Levin and Widell (2007) contend
that the extent of informal trade is directly correlated with the average
applied tax rate (e.g., tariffs and VAT) in the importing country. They
estimate that in 2004 for instance, a 1 percent increase in the overall
tax rate imposed on imported goods from Kenya led to a 3.8 percent increase
in tax evasion on those goods.
Another incentive to informal trade is the existence of communities that
transcend borders. Such communities share a lot in common both culturally
and socially. They speak the same language, intermarry and own land on
either side of the border. These particularly strong social networks lead
to cross-border trade because of long-standing knowledge of the customs,
products and networks of each other. Examples include the Somalis on either
side of Kenya/Somali border at Mandera; the Luos along Kenya/Tanzania
border at Isebania and Muhuru; the Samia on Kenya/Uganda border at Busia;
the Sebei on either side of Kenya/Uganda border at Mt. Elgon; the Maasai
along the Kenya/Tanzania border at Namanga and Loitokitok; the Bukusu/Wagisu
on Kenya/Uganda border at Luahaha and the Turkana along the Kenya/Uganda/South
Sudan borders among many others.
Long-standing wars and conflicts in neighbouring Sudan and Somalia and,
earlier on, in Uganda, ensured that citizens of these countries living
near the borders relied more on Kenya than on their own countries for
supplies. This provided, and still provides, an incentive for people from
either side of the divide to secure goods from where they are available
and sell to areas of deficit. This situation has encouraged a steady back-and-forth
flow of goods and services.
Informal trade is not illegal in its entirety. But the corruption that
thrives at the border points has ensured that such illegal aspects as
under-invoicing or mis-specification of ports of origin continue. There
seems, as well, to be some degree of tolerance of informal trade activities
by the government. At the Busia border point for instance, persons with
disabilities cross the border with abandon on wheelchairs that are openly
stuffed with goods (Uganda Bureau of Statistics, 2009).
Poor road infrastructure, which hinders access to some domestic markets,
has led traders, particularly farmers, to take their produce to external
markets that are within reach. This has been particularly observed along
the Kenya/Tanzania border at Tarakea and Holili.
ICBT is a major source of livelihood for people living in communities
near the borders who participate to earn incomes with which to support
themselves and their families. Another incentive is the allure of lucrative
markets in neighbouring countries which lead to high profit margins for
traders. The informal trade between Kenya and Uganda for instance is sustained
because the relative prices are higher in Kenya. This provides traders
with the incentive to cross over with their goods. These activities are
aided by the relative ease of convertibility between the regional currencies,
especially through the informal foreign exchange markets that thrive at
the border posts.
Kenya, like the rest of East Africa, has long and cumbersome customs procedures
that lead to delays in clearing goods. On average, such delays last anywhere
between 30 and 40 days, thereby occasioning huge losses for traders. This,
coupled with complex regulatory requirements that are in most cases unclear
or even unknown to traders, acts to compel many traders to engage in unrecorded
The average share of informal sector trade in Africa is estimated at
43 percent of the official GDP (Lesser and Leeman, 2009). This makes the
sector almost equivalent to the formal sector. Its existence is therefore
a source of serious policy dilemmas, as countries grapple with what to
do with it. Opinion is divided on whether the informal sector should be
streamlined into the formal sector or whether it should be facilitated
to play a complementary role.
In Kenyas national trade policy (Republic of Kenya, 2009), for example,
the overall policy for the informal subsector is to focus on mainstreaming
informal trade into the overall economy by focusing on its growth and
graduation into formal trade status through the provision of business
development services. The overall policy framework is, however, silent
on ICBT. The Uganda Bureau of Statistics (2009) recognizes the contribution
of ICBT to the overall growth of the economy and recommends that the sector
could benefit from initiatives like provision of infrastructure, access
to easy credit, development of business and marketing skills and harmonization
of trading policies across neighbouring countries, among other measures.
A number of authors have also suggested putting in place appropriate trade-facilitating
measures, such as reduction of trade transaction costs arising from import-export
trade procedures, with a view to curtailing informal trade (Lesser and
This disharmony in policy approaches is the result of, one, the limited
appreciation of the contribution of ICBT to the economy owing to its very
nature, and two, the misconception that formal and informal trade are
two very different trade practices that can be dealt with by different
sets of policy measures. We argue that the two are so intricately intertwined
that its very difficult to distinguish between what is formal and what
is informal. Evidence of this interconnectedness arises whenever policies
directed at formal market channels start to affect informal channels and
An example to do with maize is illustrative. Maize that is informally
sourced from transborder markets may eventually be sold through a licensed
retail outlet or find its way to a licensed millers factory, from where
it may be processed, packaged and exported formally. Similarly, livestock
that is trekked informally is sold to Kenyan traders from the Northern
frontiers, who transport and sell the same to a state corporation, the
Kenya Meat Commission (KMC). KMC will proceed to process, package and
formally export some of its products and release the rest to the formal
economy for domestic consumption. In this process, livestock will be officially
taxed at the various markets it passes through, thereby generating significant
amounts of taxes and revenues from licences and permits for the formal
sector, as well as unofficial payments in the form of bribes to government
personnel and offices.
In conclusion we suggest, therefore, that formal and informal trade are
complementary, and its almost impossible to eliminate the latter. In
fact, at some border points its the only trade option available. Efforts
must therefore be made to conceive policy suggestions that would optimize
both from the viewpoint of the national economy.
Ackello-Ogutu, C., (1996), Methodologies for Estimating Informal Cross-Border
Trade in Eastern and Southern Africa. Technical Paper No. 29, Bureau for
Africa, USAID, Washington, DC.
Ackello-Ogutu, C., and P.N. Echessah (1997), Unrecorded Cross-Border Trade
between Kenya and Uganda: Implications for Food Security. Technical Paper
No. 59, Bureau for Africa, USAID, Washington, DC.
--- (1998), Unrecorded Cross-Trade Border Trade between Tanzania and her
Neighbours. Technical Paper No. 89, Bureau for Africa, USAID, Washington,
Dalleo, P.T., (1975), Trade and Pastoralism: Economic Factors in the History
of the Somali of North Eastern Kenya: 1892-1948. PhD Thesis, Syracuse
University, Syracuse, New York.
Dongala, Jeremie, (1993), The Informal Sector Trade among Sub-Saharan
African Countries: A Survey and Empirical Investigation. The Developing
East African Community, (2005), A Guide for Maize Traders and Regulatory
Requirements for Imports and Exports of Maize in East African Community.
Famine Early Warning Systems Network, (2007), Informal Cross-Border Food
Trade in Southern Africa, Issue 30.
Green, A., C. Barret, W. Luseno, and W. McPeak, (2006), Livestock Market
Organization and Price Distributions in Northern Kenya. In J. McPeak and
P.D. Little, eds., Pastoral Livestock Marketing in Eastern Africa.
Research and Policy Challenges, 73-88. London: ITDG Publications.
Guvele, C., and S. Lautze, (2000), Unofficial Cross-Border Exports from
Southern Sudan to Kenya. Medford, MA: Feinstein International Famine Centre,
Lesser, C., and E.M. Leeman, (2009), Informal Cross-Border Trade and Trade
Facilitation Reform in Sub-Saharan Africa, OECD Trade Policy Working Papers,
No.86. OECD Publishing.
Levin, J., and L. Widell, (2007), Tax Evasion in Kenya and Tanzania: Evidence
from Missing Imports. Working Paper No. 8, Department of Business, Economics,
Statistics and Informatics, University of Orebro, Sweden.
Little, P.D., (2000), Cross-Border Livestock Trade and Food Security in
Somalia and North Eastern Kenya Borderlands. Binghamton, NY: Institute
for Development Anthropology.
--- (2003), Somalia: Economy without State. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University
--- (2006), Livelihoods, Trade and Food Insecurity in a Protracted Political
Crisis: The Case of Southern Somalia. FAO Workshop Paper. Rome: FAO.
--- (2007), Unofficial Cross-Border Trade in Eastern Africa. FAO Workshop
Paper. Rome: FAO.
Little, P.D., and H.A. Mahmoud, (2005), Cross-Border Cattle Trade along
Somalia/Kenya and Ethiopia/Kenya Borderlands. Research Brief 05-03-PARIMA.
Global Livestock Collaboration Research Support Program, University of
Mahmoud, H.A., (2003), The Dynamics of Cattle Trading in Northern Kenya
and Southern Ethiopia: The Role of Trust and Social Relations in Market
Networks. PhD Thesis, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY.
Regional Agricultural Trade Intelligence Network (RATIN), (2007), East
African Food and Trade Bulletin, No.45.
Republic of Kenya, (2009), National Trade Policy, Ministry of Trade. Nairobi:
Government Printing Press.
Teka, T., A. Alemayehu, and G. Ayele, (1999), Cross Border Livestock Trade
and Food Security in Southern and South Eastern Borderlands of Ethiopia.
OSSREA Development Research Report Series No 1. Addis Ababa.
Uganda Bureau of Statistics, (2006), The Informal Cross-Border Trade Survey
Report, August 2004 to December 2005. Kampala: Republic of Uganda.
--- (2007), The Informal Cross-Border Trade Survey Report 2006. Kampala:
Republic of Uganda.
--- (2009), The Informal Cross-Border Trade Qualitative Baseline Study
Report 2008. Kampala: Republic of Uganda.
Umar, A., and B. Baluch, (2007), Risk Taking for a Living: Trade and Marketing
in the Somali Region. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia: UN-OCHA/Pastoral Communication
The views expressed in this article are those of the author(s) and not those
of the Estey Journal of International Law and Trade Policy nor the
Estey Centre for Law and Economics in International Trade.
© Copyright 2012 The Estey Journal of International Law and Trade
Policy ISSN: 1496-5208
Suggested citation: Gor, Dr. Seth Omondi, 2012. An Assessment of the
Informal Sector Trade in Kenya. The Estey Centre Journal of International
Law and Trade Policy 13(1), 102-114. Retrieved [date] from the World